Jimmy Carter

Energy and the National Goals - A Crisis of Confidence

delivered 15 July, 1979

演讲者简介:詹姆斯·厄尔·卡特,习称吉米·卡特。1955年至1962年任佐治亚州萨姆特县学校董事会董事长,1962年至1966年任佐治亚州参议员。在此期间还先后担任过平原发展公司、萨姆特县发展公司总经理,佐治亚州中西部计划和发展委员会以及佐治亚州改进作物协会主席等职。1974年任民主党全国委员会议员竞选委员会主席。1977年任美国第三十九任总统。1980年争取连任落选。1982年起在亚特兰大的埃默里大学任名誉教授。

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中文翻译翻译来自常青藤's blog 翻译仅供参考

Good Evening:

This a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for President of the United States. I promised you a President who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams, and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.

对我来说,这是个特殊的晚上。正是三年前,1976年7月15日,我接受了我政党的任命,成为了美国总统。我向你保证,总统不是孤立的而是来自人民,谁感受你的劳苦谁就会分享你的梦想,谁就会从你那里汲取他的力量和智慧。

During the past three years I’ve spoken to you on many occasions about national concerns, the energy crisis, reorganizing the government, our nation’s economy, and issues of war and especially peace. But over those years the subjects of the speeches, the talks, and the press conferences have become increasingly narrow, focused more and more on what the isolated world of Washington thinks is important. Gradually, you’ve heard more and more about what the government thinks or what the government should be doing and less and less about our nation’s hopes, our dreams, and our vision of the future.

在过去的三年中,我已经告诉你很多次关于我国关系的问题,能源危机、改组政府、我国经济问题、战争问题、尤其是和平问题。但是过来的这些年,发言主题、演讲和记者招待会变得越来越狭窄,越来越多的聚集点在孤立的华盛顿时期的重大思想上。逐渐地,你已经听到了越来越多关于政府的思想或者做法反之听到越来越少关于我们国家的希望,我们的梦想和对未来的憧憬。

Ten days ago, I had planned to speak to you again about a very important subject -- energy. For the fifth time I would have described the urgency of the problem and laid out a series of legislative recommendations to the Congress. But as I was preparing to speak, I began to ask myself the same question that I now know has been troubling many of you: Why have we not been able to get together as a nation to resolve our serious energy problem?

十天前,我打算给大家讲一个非常重要的话题——资源。在第五次,我已经将这重大事情的问题描述过,也向国会提出了一系列的立法建议。正是因为我要准备演讲,所以我开始问我自己同样的问题,从而让我现在知道你很多事情都思考过了:我们为什么不能像一个国家一样团结来解决我们严重的资源问题?

It’s clear that the true problems of our nation are much deeper -- deeper than gasoline lines or energy shortages, deeper even than inflation or recession. And I realize more than ever that as President I need your help. So, I decided to reach out and to listen to the voices of America.

这是明显的,我们国家真正的问题是很严重的——比汽油管道或资源短缺更严重,甚至比通货膨胀或经济衰退更严重。我比以前更多的认识到,作为总统我需要大家的帮助。所以,我决定伸出援助之手并且听听美国的意见。

I invited to Camp David people from almost every segment of our society -- business and labor, teachers and preachers, governors, mayors, and private citizens. And then I left Camp David to listen to other Americans, men and women like you. It has been an extraordinary ten days, and I want to share with you what I’ve heard.

我被邀请到坎普大卫,几乎来自我们社会每一个部分的人——商人、农民、教师、传教士、地方长官、市长、私营的市民。于是,我离开坎普大卫去听别听的美国人,是否男的和女的喜欢你。这已经是一个很特别的十天,也正是我所听到的,想和大家分享的。

First of all, I got a lot of personal advice. Let me quote a few of the typical comments that I wrote down.

首先,我得到了很多私人的建议。让我列举一些我已经写下的典型意见。

This from a southern governor: “Mr. President, you are not leading this nation -- you’re just managing the government.”

这是一个来自地方长官的意见:“总统先生,您现在不是在领导国家——而只是管理政府。”

“You don’t see the people enough anymore.”

“您再也不会完全了解人民。”

“Some of your Cabinet members don’t seem loyal. There is not enough discipline among your disciples.”

“您的那些顾问成员们不像是忠诚的。在您的拥护者中,这没有足够的纪律。”

“Don’t talk to us about politics or the mechanics of government, but about an understanding of our common good.”

“请不要和我们谈论政见或政府措施,不过谈谈为了我们的共同利益而要相互理解。”

“Mr. President, we’re in trouble. Talk to us about blood and sweat and tears.”

总统先生,我们有麻烦。请您和我们谈谈血、汗和泪。”

“If you lead, Mr. President, we will follow.”

“总统先生,如果您领导,我们就服从您。”

Many people talked about themselves and about the condition of our nation. This from a young woman in Pennsylvania: “I feel so far from government. I feel like ordinary people are excluded from political power.”

很多人谈论他们自己和我们国家的形势。这是一个来自宾夕法尼亚的年轻妇女的:“我感觉离政府太远了。我们感觉像普通人一样被政治权力排斥。”

And this from a young Chicano: “Some of us have suffered from recession all our lives.”

这是一个来自其卡喏的年轻人的意见:“我们当中的部分人遭受了经济衰败,而这是我们所有的生活呀。”

“Some people have wasted energy, but others haven’t had anything to waste.”

“有些人浪费了很多资源,而有些人没有一点资源来浪费。”

And this from a religious leader: “No material shortage can touch the important things like God’s love for us or our love for one another.”

这是一个来自修道士院长的意见:“没有材料短缺能触及重要的事情就像神给我们的爱或我们给对方的爱。”

And I like this one particularly from a black woman who happens to be the mayor of a small Mississippi town: “The big shots are not the only ones who are important. Remember, you can’t sell anything on Wall Street unless someone digs it up somewhere else first.”

“然而,我特别喜欢这一个来自偶然成为密西西比河一个小镇的市长的黑人妇女的建议:“大的机会不是唯一的,对他们来说是重要的。首先,记住,你不能在华尔街出售任何东西除非某些人在别的地方发现。”

This kind of summarized a lot of other statements: “Mr. President, we are confronted with a moral and a spiritual crisis.”

这些概述了很多其他的陈述:“总统先生,我们已经面临道德上和精神上的转折点了。”

Several of our discussions were on energy, and I have a notebook full of comments and advice. I’ll read just a few.

我们的个别讨论是关于资源的问题,并且我有一个笔记全部记录了这些意见和建议。下面,我就读一些。

“We can’t go on consuming forty percent more energy then we produce. When we import oil we are also importing inflation plus unemployment.”

“我们的资源消费不能超过我们生产的百分之四十。当我们进口石油时同样会进口通货膨胀而增加失业人员。”

“We’ve got to use what we have. The Middle East has only five percent of the world’s energy, but the United States has twenty-four percent.”

“我们已经消耗了我们拥有的。中东地区只有世界百分之五的资源,而美国占百分之二十四。”

And this is one of the most vivid statements: “Our neck is stretched over the fence and OPEC has a knife.”

这是一个最生动的陈述:“我们的脖子已经伸过了国界而石油输出国家组织确有一把小刀。”

“There will be other cartels and other shortages. American wisdom and courage right now can set a path to follow in the future.”

“这可能将会有其他的企业联合和不足。美国人的智慧和勇气马上能开辟一条通向未来的通道。”

This was a good one: “Be bold, Mr. President. We may make mistakes, but we are ready to experiment.”

这是一个好的意见:“勇敢的总统先生,我们也许犯错,但是我们准备进行试验。”

And this one from a labor leader got to the heart of it: “The real issue is freedom. We must deal with the energy problem on a war footing.”

这一个是来自劳动领袖的内心感受:“真正的问题是自由。按平时战时编制,我们必须处理资源问题。”

And the last that I’ll read: “When we enter the moral equivalent of war, Mr. President, don’t issue us BB guns.”

最后一个我要读的是:“当我们加入这个道德平等的战争时,总统先生,不要发给我们BB油门手枪。”

These ten days confirmed my belief in the decency and the strength and the wisdom of the American people, but it also bore out some of my longstanding concerns about our nation’s underlying problems.

这十天,在这庄重的强大的有智慧的美国人面前,确定了我的信心,但这也同样通过我长时间从事的国家基本问题来困扰着我。

I know, of course, being President, that government actions and legislation can be very important. That’s why I’ve worked hard to put my campaign promises into law, and I have to admit, with just mixed success. But after listening to the American people, I have been reminded again that all the legislation in the world can’t fix what’s wrong with America. So, I want to speak to you first tonight about a subject even more serious than energy or inflation. I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy.

当然,我知道,作为总统,政府的活动和立法可以是最重要的。那也是为什么我那么努力工作把我竞选的承诺写进法律,我不得不承认,这仅仅是模糊的成就。但听完美国人所说的,我又再次想起所有的立法,我不能确定,美国究竟遇到了什么麻烦。所以,今天晚上,我想和大家说说比资源和通货膨胀更严重的问题。马上我想要告诉大家美国民主主义的基本迹象。

I do not mean our political and civil liberties. They will endure. And I do not refer to the outward strength of America, a nation that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world, with unmatched economic power and military might.

我没有预定我们政治上和民事上的特权。他们将是长久的。我也没有谈到美国的向外的力量,这个处于和平状态的国家在世界的任何地方,经济能力和军事力量是不相配的。

The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways.

在平凡的道路上几乎是看不到威胁的。

 

It is a crisis of confidence.

这是信心的转折点。

It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation.

狠狠的打击这个心脏这将是我们国家精神灵魂的转折点。我们能够看见这个转折点。在我们自己的生命成长的疑惑中;在这企图为我们国家能够统一的失败中。

The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of America.

在将来,我们这种信心的腐蚀会危险的破坏美国社会上和政治上的结构。

The confidence that we have always had as a people is not simply some romantic dream or a proverb in a dusty book that we read just on the Fourth of July. It is the idea which founded our nation and has guided our development as a people. Confidence in the future has supported everything else -- public institutions and private enterprise, our own families, and the very Constitution of the United States. Confidence has defined our course and has served as a link between generations. We’ve always believed in something called progress. We’ve always had a faith that the days of our children would be better than our own.

我们始终要保持信心就像一个人是一些并不简单的浪漫梦想一样或就像我们在国庆日读过的某本旧书上的谚语。这是一种思想就像人一样创建我们的国家并且领导我们发展。信心维持了将来的每一件事情——公共机构、民营企业、我们的家庭和美国的大宪法。信心已经表明了我们的路线也像链条连接了我们和下一代。我们始终都相信在某些事中叫做进步。我们始终都有一个信念,我们的孩子有一天会比我们过得更好。

Our people are losing that faith, not only in government itself but in the ability as citizens to serve as the ultimate rulers and shapers of our democracy. As a people we know our past and we are proud of it. Our progress has been part of the living history of America, even the world. We always believed that we were part of a great movement of humanity itself called democracy, involved in the search for freedom; and that belief has always strengthened us in our purpose. But just as we are losing our confidence in the future, we are also beginning to close the door on our past.

我们的民族正丢失他们的信念,不是政府本身而是能力,像市民去服务,像我们民主主义的最终统治者和塑造者。作为一个公民,我们知道我们的过去并且我们因此而骄傲。我们的发展分裂了美国甚至世界的生存历史。我们始终相信我们是人类为自由而急切探寻的民主主义伟大运动的一部分;这种信念始终巩固了我们的意志。然而,现在我们却在丢失信心,那我们从现在开始也要像过去一样把它拒之门外。

In a nation that was proud of hard work, strong families, close-knit communities, and our faith in God, too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption. Human identity is no longer defined by what one does, but by what one owns. But we’ve discovered that owning things and consuming things does not satisfy our longing for meaning. We’ve learned that piling up material goods cannot fill the emptiness of lives which have no confidence or purpose.

在一个国家,努力工作、健康的家庭、和睦的团体和对上帝的信仰是一种自豪,而现在,我们当中很多人崇拜放纵和消费。人的个性不再用工作来衡量而是用拥有。并且我们已经发觉现有和过去的事情不能满足我们某种意义上的渴望。我们还认识到,没有信心和决心,堆积物质上的食物不能弥补生活上的空虚。

The symptoms of this crisis of the American spirit are all around us. For the first time in the history of our country a majority of our people believe that the next five years will be worse than the past five years. Two-thirds of our people do not even vote. The productivity of American workers is actually dropping, and the willingness of Americans to save for the future has fallen below that of all other people in the Western world.

这个征兆是围绕着我们的这个美国人精神的转折点。第一次,在我们国家的历史上,我们大部分人相信未来的五年比起过去的五年将会更糟糕。我们当中三分之一的人没有平等选票。美国工人的生产力正在下降,积极肯干的美国人为将来储蓄却倒下了,这就是所有在西方国家的其他人。

As you know, there is a growing disrespect for government and for churches and for schools, the news media, and other institutions. This is not a message of happiness or reassurance, but it is the truth and it is a warning.

正如你所知道的,对政府、对教堂、对学校、对新闻界和其他公共机构,这都是一个不断恶劣的失礼。这不是一个使人快乐的或放心的消息,而是事实和警告。

These changes did not happen overnight. They’ve come upon us gradually over the last generation, years that were filled with shocks and tragedy.

这些改变不是在一夜间发生的,他们已经慢慢成为我们的甚至后代的负担,多年后就会充满冲突和灾难。

We were sure that ours was a nation of the ballot, not the bullet, until the murders of John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. We were taught that our armies were always invincible and our causes were always just, only to suffer the agony of Vietnam. We respected the Presidency as a place of honor until the shock of Watergate.

我们已确定我们的国家是投票选举的,而不是用子弹换来的,除非凶手杀了约翰肯尼迪、罗伯特肯尼迪和马丁路德金。我们教育的军队始终是顽强的,目标始终是正确的,仅仅在越南遭受了极大的痛苦。我们就像尊敬这种职位一样尊敬总统,直到水门事件爆发。

We remember when the phrase “sound as a dollar” was an expression of absolute dependability, until ten years of inflation began to shrink our dollar and our savings. We believed that our nation’s resources were limitless until 1973 when we had to face a growing dependence on foreign oil.

我们记得“健康就是财富”的习语当时是一种完全可靠性的表达,直到十年前的通货膨胀开始收缩我们的美元和储蓄。我们认为我们国家的资源是无限的直到1973年为此,当我们必须要面对要不断的依靠外国石油时。

These wounds are still very deep. They have never been healed.

这些创伤是非常深刻的也是永远不能治愈的。

Looking for a way out of this crisis, our people have turned to the Federal Government and found it isolated from the mainstream of our nation’s life. Washington, D.C., has become an island. The gap between our citizens and our government has never been so wide. The people are looking for honest answers, not easy answers; clear leadership, not false claims and evasiveness and politics as usual.

寻找一种方法摆脱这个危险,我们的人民已经向这个从我们国家生命的主流单独创造的北部联邦同盟政府求援助。美国首都变成了一个岛屿。市民和政府之间的隔阂从来没有这么大。人民需要的是诚实的回答,不时简单的回答;是明智的领导阶层,不是虚伪的主张和像平时一样含糊的政见。

What you see too often in Washington and elsewhere around the country is a system of government that seems incapable of action. You see a Congress twisted and pulled in every direction by hundreds of well-financed and powerful special interests.

大家在华盛顿和国家四周的其他地方见到太多政府似乎无能的活动体系。大家知道国会用大量的财政资金和强大的特有利息向四面八方扭曲和拨出。

You see every extreme position defended to the last vote, almost to the last breath by one unyielding group or another. You often see a balanced and a fair approach that demands sacrifice, a little sacrifice from everyone, abandoned like an orphan without support and without friends.

大家了解最后的每个形势是为了最后的表决而辩护的,几乎因一个不屈的团体或其他的团体而致死。大家经常看到一个和谐和公平的方法而那是需要牺牲的,来自每个人的小牺牲,这是没有约束的,就像孤儿没有赡养和朋友一样。

Often you see paralysis and stagnation and drift. You don’t like it, and neither do I. What can we do?

大家非常了解麻痹、停滞和漂流。大家不喜欢这些,我也是。可是我们该怎么做呢?

First of all, we must face the truth, and then we can change our course. We simply must have faith in each other, faith in our ability to govern ourselves, and faith in the future of this nation. Restoring that faith and that confidence to America is now the most important task we face. It is a true challenge of this generation of Americans.

首先,我们必须面对事实,然后我们就能够改变我们的方针。我们只不过要彼此信任,信任我们管理自己的能力,信任国家的未来。为美国恢复这种信念和信心是我们现在要面对的最重要任务。这是美国人这一代的真正挑战。

One of the visitors to Camp David last week put it this way: “We’ve got to stop crying and start sweating, stop talking and start walking, stop cursing and start praying. The strength we need will not come from the White House, but from every house in America.”

一个上周去坎普圣代维的游客提出这样的方法:“我们开始停止哭泣然后发汗,我们开始停止说话然后向前走,我们开始停止诅咒然后祈祷。我们需要的力量不会来自白宫,而是来自美国的每个家庭。

We know the strength of America. We are strong. We can regain our unity. We can regain our confidence. We are the heirs of generations who survived threats much more powerful and awesome than those that challenge us now. Our fathers and mothers were strong men and women who shaped a new society during the Great Depression, who fought world wars and who carved out a new charter of peace for the world.

我们认识美国的力量,我们是强大的。我们能够重新获得国家的统一;我们能够重新获得我们的信心。我们是一代幸免于比现在面对的挑战更强大更有力的威胁中的继承人。我们的父母亲是强壮的男人和女人,他们在非常萧条的时期发展了一个新社会,抵抗了世界大战,为世界和平开拓了新宪章。

We ourselves are the same Americans who just ten years ago put a man on the moon. We are the generation that dedicated our society to the pursuit of human rights and equality. And we are the generation that will win the war on the energy problem and in that process, rebuild the unity and confidence of America.

我们都是一样的美国人,正好十年前,把人送上了月球。我们是为了追求人类的权利和平等而献身的一代。我们是将会赢得资源问题战争的一代,并且在这个作用下恢复美国的统一和自信。

We are at a turning point in our history. There are two paths to choose. One is a path I’ve warned about tonight, the path that leads to fragmentation and self-interest. Down that road lies a mistaken idea of freedom, the right to grasp for ourselves some advantage over others. That path would be one of constant conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility. It is a certain route to failure.

我们处在我们历史的转折点上。这又两条路可以选择,一条是我今晚上已经发出通知的,这条路引向分裂和利己主义。沿着这条路,有自由的错误思想,正义掌握了更多一些我们自己的有利条件。另一条路将是一场在狭隘利益的混乱和静止中的持续斗争。这是一条必然失败的路。

All the traditions of our past, all the lessons of our heritage, all the promises of our future point to another path -- the path of common purpose and the restoration of American values. That path leads to true freedom for our nation and ourselves. We can take the first steps down that path as we begin to solve our energy problem.

Energy will be the immediate test of our ability to unite this nation, and it can also be the standard around which we rally. On the battlefield of energy we can win for our nation a new confidence, and we can seize control again of our common destiny.

In little more than two decades we’ve gone from a position of energy independence to one in which almost half the oil we use comes from foreign countries, at prices that are going through the roof. Our excessive dependence on OPEC has already taken a tremendous toll on our economy and our people. This is the direct cause of the long lines which have made millions of you spend aggravating hours waiting for gasoline. It’s a cause of the increased inflation and unemployment that we now face. This intolerable dependence on foreign oil threatens our economic independence and the very security of our nation.

The energy crisis is real. It is worldwide. It is a clear and present danger to our nation. These are facts and we simply must face them.

What I have to say to you now about energy is simple and vitally important.

Point one: I am tonight setting a clear goal for the energy policy of the United States. Beginning this moment, this nation will never use more foreign oil than we did in 1977-- never. From now on, every new addition to our demand for energy will be met from our own production and our own conservation. The generation-long growth in our dependence on foreign oil will be stopped dead in its tracks right now and then reversed as we move through the 1980s, for I am tonight setting the further goal of cutting our dependence on foreign oil by one-half by the end of the next decade -- a saving of over four and a half million barrels of imported oil per day.

Point two: To ensure that we meet these targets, I will use my presidential authority to set import quotas. I’m announcing tonight that for 1979 and 1980, I will forbid the entry into this country of one drop of foreign oil more than these goals allow. These quotas will ensure a reduction in imports even below the ambitious levels we set at the recent Tokyo summit.

Point three: To give us energy security, I am asking for the most massive peacetime commitment of funds and resources in our nation’s history to develop America’s own alternative sources of fuel -- from coal, from oil shale, from plant products for gasohol, from unconventional gas, from the sun.

I propose the creation of an energy security corporation to lead this effort to replace two and a half million barrels of imported oil per day by 1990. The corporation will issue up to five billion dollars in energy bonds, and I especially want them to be in small denominations so average Americans can invest directly in America’s energy security.

Just as a similar synthetic rubber corporation helped us win World War II, so will we mobilize American determination and ability to win the energy war. Moreover, I will soon submit legislation to Congress calling for the creation of this nation’s first solar bank which will help us achieve the crucial goal of twenty percent of our energy coming from solar power by the year 2000.

These efforts will cost money, a lot of money, and that is why Congress must enact the windfall profits tax without delay. It will be money well spent. Unlike the billions of dollars that we ship to foreign countries to pay for foreign oil, these funds will be paid by Americans, to Americans. These will go to fight, not to increase, inflation and unemployment.

Point four: I’m asking Congress to mandate, to require as a matter of law, that our nation’s utility companies cut their massive use of oil by fifty percent within the next decade and switch to other fuels, especially coal, our most abundant energy source.

Point five: To make absolutely certain that nothing stands in the way of achieving these goals, I will urge Congress to create an energy mobilization board which, like the War Production Board in World War II, will have the responsibility and authority to cut through the red tape, the delays, and the endless roadblocks to completing key energy projects.

We will protect our environment. But when this nation critically needs a refinery or a pipeline, we will build it.

Point six: I’m proposing a bold conservation program to involve every state, county, and city and every average American in our energy battle. This effort will permit you to build conservation into your homes and your lives at a cost you can afford.

I ask Congress to give me authority for mandatory conservation and for standby gasoline rationing. To further conserve energy, I’m proposing tonight an extra ten billion dollars over the next decade to strengthen our public transportation systems. And I’m asking you for your good and for your nation’s security to take no unnecessary trips, to use carpools or public transportation whenever you can, to park your car one extra day per week, to obey the speed limit, and to set your thermostats to save fuel. Every act of energy conservation like this is more than just common sense, I tell you it is an act of patriotism.

Our nation must be fair to the poorest among us, so we will increase aid to needy Americans to cope with rising energy prices. We often think of conservation only in terms of sacrifice. In fact, it is the most painless and immediate ways of rebuilding our nation’s strength. Every gallon of oil each one of us saves is a new form of production. It gives us more freedom, more confidence, that much more control over our own lives.

So, the solution of our energy crisis can also help us to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country. It can rekindle our sense of unity, our confidence in the future, and give our nation and all of us individually a new sense of purpose.

You know we can do it. We have the natural resources. We have more oil in our shale alone than several Saudi Arabias. We have more coal than any nation on earth. We have the world’s highest level of technology. We have the most skilled work force, with innovative genius, and I firmly believe that we have the national will to win this war.

I do not promise you that this struggle for freedom will be easy. I do not promise a quick way out of our nation’s problems, when the truth is that the only way out is an all-out effort. What I do promise you is that I will lead our fight, and I will enforce fairness in our struggle, and I will ensure honesty. And above all, I will act.

We can manage the short-term shortages more effectively, and we will; but there are no short-term solutions to our long-range problems. There is simply no way to avoid sacrifice.

Twelve hours from now I will speak again in Kansas City, to expand and to explain further our energy program. Just as the search for solutions to our energy shortages has now led us to a new awareness of our nation’s deeper problems, so our willingness to work for those solutions in energy can strengthen us to attack those deeper problems.

I will continue to travel this country, to hear the people of America. You can help me to develop a national agenda for the 1980s. I will listen; and I will act. We will act together.

These were the promises I made three years ago, and I intend to keep them.

Little by little we can and we must rebuild our confidence. We can spend until we empty our treasuries, and we may summon all the wonders of science. But we can succeed only if we tap our greatest resources -- America’s people, America’s values, and America’s confidence.

I have seen the strength of America in the inexhaustible resources of our people. In the days to come, let us renew that strength in the struggle for an energy-secure nation.

In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. Whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. With God’s help and for the sake of our nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. Working together with our common faith we cannot fail.

Thank you and good night.